We're Closer to Turkey than You Think?

This may be the most important context for considering the controversy over Islam at Wheaton College, namely, that Americans themselves are not all that comfortable with secularity and Islam reveals where the lumps in the mattress are. Rod Dreher quoted a poignant part of Ross Douthat’s column on how the West views Islam, as either as conservatives believe “radically incompatible with Western liberal democracy, and can never be reconciled to it; or, as many liberals believe, it is capable of assimilating to become as tame and non-threatening as most forms of Christianity and Judaism in the West.” In the Protestant world, either Larycia Hawkins or Tim Bayly. According to Douthat:

The good news is that there is space between these two ideas. The bad news is that we in the West can’t seem to agree on what that space should be, or how Christianity and Judaism, let alone Islam, should fit into it.

Devout Muslims watching current Western debates, for instance, might notice that some of the same cosmopolitan liberals who think of themselves as Benevolent Foes of Islamophobia are also convinced that many conservative Christians are dangerous crypto-theocrats whose institutions and liberties must give way whenever they conflict with liberalism’s vision of enlightenment.

They also might notice that many of the same conservative Christians who fear that Islam is incompatible with democracy are wrestling with whether their own faith is compatible with the direction of modern liberalism, or whether Christianity needs to enter a kind of internal exile in the West.

It almost sounds like Turkey’s war between Islamic friendly politicians and secularists, from a piece quoted sometime back from Mustafa Akyol:

As you probably well know, Turkey has long been stressed by political tension between religious conservatives and secular nationalists, the latter also known as the Kemalists. However, that main fault line is somewhat passé these days given the emergence of a new kind of tension between the religious conservatives who had triumphed together in (OR: previous) tension from years gone by. This time, it is the AKP (Justice and Development Party) government and the powerful Fethullah Gülen Movement that are at odds with each other. . . .

The term I translated here as “referee” (“hakem”) is a powerful word in Islam, referring to a neutral and fair judge who can settle disputes. And it is interesting that Ms. Eraslan, a pious, headscarf-wearing Muslim, thinks that this “referee” may be none other than secularism. Of course, this would not be the type of secularism that Turkey’s Kemalists have imposed for decades. That peculiar ideology, called “laiklik” (from the French laïcité), was based on the assumption that there was something wrong with religion and therefore it needed to be suppressed by the state.

What Ms. Eraslan probably implied, and what Turkey indeed needs, is a more American-like secularism. In other words, it should be based on the recognition that there is a problem not with religion, but with the concentration of political power.

Unlike Turkey, though, and the conflict between religion and laicite, could the struggle in the U.S. be the one that animated fundamentalists and modernists during the 1920s? The political left in the United States, like modernists, does not advocate the removal of religion from public life. They like religion (think Martin Luther King, Jr.). Jim Wallis is not a threat to them.

So too, the right also likes religion of the right sort (see what I did there?). It used to be Jerry Falwell and James Dobson. Now it’s Rick Santorum and Kim Davis.

The problem is that both left and right embrace a form of American exceptionalism that needs religion to endow the United States with a righteous or holy purpose.

In that case, if we are still living with the dynamics of the fundamentalist controversy, has the United States learned lessons it can pass on to the Muslim world?


16 thoughts on “We're Closer to Turkey than You Think?

  1. Something else we should understand about Turkey. It does far more than not smile on those who criticize the nation’s history or present politics. In one sense, the secular state has become a god.


  2. You: The problem is that both left and right embrace a form of American exceptionalism that needs religion to endow the United States with a righteous or holy purpose.

    Me: Ding, ding!


  3. Curt … might anti-capitalist leftists in North America embrace the idea of American Exceptionalism if it meant America is exceptional at being evil?


  4. Curt, does running for President count as perhaps having exceptionalist stripes (feel the Bern)? After all, it seems to take some exceptionalist ideals to want and strive for the highest seat of political power. Maybe your idealism is clouding your judgment.


  5. DGH, good point there, I think they could actually go in either or both of those directions from what I’ve read over the years.


  6. Zrim,
    I wouldn’t consider Sanders, either Bernie or Barry, a socialist in the first place. Bernie describes himself as an FDR follower. And FDR was no socialist.

    The first tenet to follow for many socialists is the redistribution of power from elites and the bourgeoisie to the proletariat. Snders, despite some of his favorable political positions, does not do this. And, in fact, it appears that Sanders does believe in American Exceptionalism–which is a term used to describe assumptions made in our foreign policies.


  7. Curt, that’s how Sanders describes himself, a democratic socialist. Maybe he didn’t get your memo. But maybe you are to socialism what the CtCers are to Roman Catholicism–more Catholic than the pope. And maybe Sanders is to American Exceptionalism what the CtCers are to infallibility–selective.


  8. I learned long ago not to worry about hair-splitting nuances regarding how people define themselves poitically, unless it was really SUPER advantageous to spare a few seconds.

    It has never been of use over socialism.


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